The Future Of Nigeria Media Industry

 

Two remarkable developments of the 1990s had immense implications for media ownership and control in Nigeria. These are the deregulation of the broadcast media by the Federal government in 1992 and the annulment of the 12 June 1993 presidential election. The deregulation of the broadcast media brought to an end government’s monopoly of the broadcast media and the emergence of independent broadcasting stations. The annulment led to greater political awareness and the presence of a committed courageous press. The following article examines the interaction of these events.

With the return to civil rule in 1979, after thirteen years of military rule, the few surviving privately owned newspapers in Nigeria were joined by a plethora of titles. The newcomers appeared, in part, to serve the electioneering role played by newspapers of the 1920s. Ignoble sectional parochial rivalry ensued with reawakened political partisanship. For instance, the Nigeria Tribune and the Daily Sketch were used to advance the political interest of Obafemi Awolowo, while the Concord Group of newspapers represented the interests of their owner, Moshood Abiola and his political National Party of Nigeria (NPN). The role of the newspapers in political party partisanship continued in the 1990s.

Similarly, as the nation prepared for the fourth republic in the early 1990s, a number of privately owned newspapers emerged. These newspapers and others that came into existence after the 12 June annulment have played significant roles in criticizing the military government. Since then, the country has seen a formidable opposition press, which in spite of all forms of intimidation has turned the people’s skirmishes into full battle.

It is correct to say that in Nigeria today there is no other opposition against government in power other than the independent media. Each government drafts and influences the manifestos of political parties; these political parties therefore cannot constitute genuine opposition to government. Moreover, the government can ban any political aspirant or party at will. The government tries to down play attacks on it by giving the opposition press tribal tags such as 'Lagos-Ibadan media'. The tagged group is believed dominated by one ethnic group fostering their interest. Use of certain terminologies also shows a heightened level of political awareness. These terminologies include 'The elite', 'The politicians', 'The elders' etc. These terms are used as though there is a segment of the population so designated.

Furthermore, heightened political awareness has allowed the entrance of military men retired or in service into the ownership of newspapers. These military men privately own newspapers to further their political interests. For example, the Reporter is owned by Yar’Adua a retired officer who, ironically, is presently in jail for alleged involvement in a failed coup plot.

Electronic media

The changes in the terrain of the print media are nothing compared to the remarkable and unprecedented changes in the broadcast media. Events started to unfold in 1979. With impending civil rule, the Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria (FRCN) was decreed by the Federal Government. This decentralized radio broadcasting and restructured the nation’s broadcasting industry. The decree was however violated by the Civilian Government that came into power as it set up several stations in different states of the federation. The broadcast media became an active political tool which Uche (1989) described as 'The affinity between broadcasting and politics is like the birth of Siamese twins'.

In addition, the process of massive economic restructuring that was inevitable in the 1980s produced the policies of deregulation. These policies had far reaching effects on the broadcast media in the years to follow. In 1992, the National Broadcasting Commission was established thereby deregulating the broadcast media and bringing to an end government monopoly of the broadcast media. The NBC is empowered to issue, renew or revoke broadcast licenses, among other functions. By 1997, NBC had licensed nine independent private television stations, two private radio stations, two direct broadcast satellite and 40 re-transmission stations.

Media control in Nigeria

All three types of government (colonial, civilian and military) that have functioned in Nigeria have implemented policies that have actually restrained freedom of the press. Journalists have been harassed, detained, jailed, and repressive laws and decrees enacted. Comparatively, the British colonial administration may appear to have done the least harm, but it set in motion the kinds of repressive press laws existing in Nigeria today.

These pernicious laws and decrees against the media gave government officials legal backing to persecute, fine, detain and imprison journalists, and to proscribe media houses. For instance, the Offensive Publications (Proscription) Decree 35 1993, made it possible for the government to clamp down on six media houses across the nation. Even government owned media were not spared. This kind of suppression also took place after the 22 April 990 failed coup d’état when over seven media houses were closed down.

Aside from government control of the media through laws, decrees and the courts, other means of control exist and obstruct freedom of expression. One such is what Uche (1989, p. 139) calls 'coopting':

The government uses certain preferential treatments to 'buy' the most influential journalists in the country... appointing these influential critics in the media to top posts within the government.

'Coopting' of journalists ensures that they are reduced to being mere stooges of government officials. It is not surprising therefore that the editor of the Guardian had to publish an article reassuring his readers that his proprietor's acceptance of a ministerial appointment in the government could not influence the objectivity of the newspaper in handling issues concerning government.

Other measures of government control include denying journalists access to places and persons for information, refusing to give government advertisements and dubious labelling of documents containing valuable information. All these measures have been used. For example, the newspapers that were pro-government during the colonial rule, the Eagle, Lagos Critic and Record (for some years of its existence) received most government advertisements. But the few indigenous businessmen who could advertise in the newspapers gave their advertisements to the Standard or any other of the newspapers that represented their nationalistic feelings (Omu, 1978). This measure has been in use ever since. Presently, unsurprisingly, one finds more government advertisements in the Daily Times than in any anti-government newspaper.

In addition, regulatory bodies set up by the government can be a source of negative or positive control of the media. Where there are defects or loopholes in the decree that set up such regulatory bodies, these can be used for repressing freedom of expression. It is thought that government may intentionally leave loopholes to exploit in silencing any opposition. It is widely believed that one pitfall in the decree that set up the National Broadcasting Commission (NBC) is the power given to the commission to revoke the licences of stations which do not operate in accordance with the code and in the public interest. The decree did not specify either how to seek redress or to what the public interest is, as in the American Federal Communication Commission. Thus the decree allows the NBC to provide licences in perpetuity only to withdraw them at whim.

The influence of the government is seen in the unflinching support government media organisations give the government of day. Government officials do not hesitate to remove anyone in charge who fails to offer unquestioned support. An 'erring' official risks being sacked with 'immediate effect' or faces other punishments for such 'heinous' acts. For instance, within one year of the elected civilian government assuming office in 1990, no less than ten chief executive officers of state-owned broadcasting stations were sacked (Uche, 1989). Those who kept their jobs got the message - toe the line.

Private media proprietors also exert significant control of their media organisations. Proprietors have been known to demand self-censorship by their editors. The proprietor expects those working in their media organizations to understand and protect their interests. Often a proprietor's economic and/or political interests are very influential in how they want their papers to relate to the government of the day. In 1992, Moshood Abiola the multi-millionaire politician, asked his editor Bayo Onanuga to apologize to the then military President Babangida. Onanuga's article in one of the titles of which Abiola is proprietor was believed to have angered the president. However, Onanuga refused to apologize and instead he resigned along with three others. Abiola, however, did apologise and to rub the former editor's nose in the dust, the apology, a private letter from Abiola to the President, was reported exclusively by the Daily Times 23 April 1992.

Media practitioners have never failed to denounce these controls, except journalists who have been 'coopted'. There have been instances when the government has been taken to court. At times justice was even upheld as in 1975, when a reporter was arrested, flogged and had his hair and beard shaved on the orders of a military government who found his articles offensive. The reporter instituted a court action and, surprisingly, he won the case and the government was asked to pay him damages (Uche 1989, p. 139).

However, the story has not always been the same for other journalists especially as the government can easily enact laws and decrees. These laws and decrees can be made retroactive to give government officials legal backing to deal adversely with journalists. The Buhari regime did exactly this in 1984, with the famous Decree 4, which tested the resilience of Nigerian journalists. The decree was promulgated to protect public officers from publications that might be a source of embarrassment. The commencement of this decree was made retroactive by the Buhari government, which enabled it to send two Guardian journalists to jail for writing a story about ambassadorial postings.

What does the future hold?

In general, there are a number of ways in which new information and communication technologies could be exploited to Nigeria's benefit. Apart from being invaluable to the processes of democracy - including elections - Nigerian journalists need training to improve their professional capabilities using computer technology. They need to familiarize themselves with the Internet. The benefits of training could help them run better newspapers, radio and television stations. Training will enable journalists to use the abundant information they can access via the internet to give a critical analysis of political, economic and social issues. In turn, this would enable them provide the people with information they need for making informed decisions.

There is a need to ensure that the next century is one in which there is not just an absence of the insidious threat of continued abridgement of press freedom and freedom of speech, but also in which we can see the development of the country in other spheres. The media in the new millennium should be able to play their part fully in lubricating the democratic processes of the fledgling democracy (when it comes) and for aiding economic and social development.

Undeniably, Nigeria has political and economic problems, but the rapidly changing conditions of the world of which Nigeria is a part make it imperative that the future of the media should be planned now with vision and enlightenment to exploit their potential for establishing freedom and stability. Of necessity, the decrees establishing media regulatory bodies will have to be amended, and a secure environment provided by media owners in which excellence in the profession and democracy can flourish.